Keynote Address by H.E. Cho Hyun Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea Opening Ceremony of the Annual Conference of the Korean Association of International[...]

Keynote Address by H.E. Cho Hyun

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea

Opening Ceremony of the Annual Conference of

the Korean Association of International Studies

Friday, December 12, 2025

Good morning, I am Cho Hyun,

Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Korea.

As we approach the close of an eventful 2025, it is my great pleasure to be here with you - President Kim Tae-hyung and all the members of the Korean Association of International Studies.

This year, you have shared constructive insights on a wide range of foreign policy issues, while also contributing academic research that has enriched our foreign policy discourse. I would like to take this chance to express my deep appreciation.

Today, I would like to address you as a practitioner and share my assessment of the situation Korea currently faces, and how we should navigate the path ahead.

I understand that this year's Annual Conference has been held over two days under the theme, "An Era of Uncertainty, Instability, and Regression- Opportunities for Diplomacy." Thank you for your decision to give diplomacy a chance.

At a time when the international landscape is facing unprecedented turbulence, there is no overemphasizing the importance of diplomacy.

I believe that the time for diplomacy has indeed come.

The war in Ukraine has been ongoing for four years and conflicts have been breaking out in Gaza and other regions. Yet, there is a growing sense that diplomacy may finally bring these conflicts to an end.

In the Indo-Pacific and East Asia, U.S.-China relations have been showing signs of stabilization in the run up to the Gyeongju APEC Leaders' Meeting. At the same time, rising tensions between China and Japan is emerging as a new variable.

In the economic and trade sphere, intensifying competition for advanced technologies and the rise of protectionism have significantly shaken the existing multilateral order. Yet, across the globe, we continue to witness sustained diplomatic efforts to reach mutually beneficial agreements through intensive bilateral negotiations.

It is difficult to anticipate what shape the international order might take once this time of upheaval subsides. That, I believe, is a task best left to the scholars in this room. From a practitioner's perspective, however, preventing war, prioritizing the national interest, and navigating uncertainty through pragmatic diplomacy are not a matter of choice, but a necessity in such turbulent times.

Members of the Association,

During the six months since the inauguration of the Lee Jae Myung administration, Korea has been engaged in a flurry of diplomatic activities.

It began with the G7 Summit held shortly after the administration took office, followed by the UN General Assembly, ASEAN-related summits, the successful Gyeongju APEC Leaders' Meeting, and the G20 Summit. Participation in these five major multilateral events, clearly signaled to the world the full return of the Republic of Korea as a mature democracy.

Through reciprocal visits between the leaders of Korea and the United States - realized in the shortest-ever interval - we are advancing the ROK-U.S. alliance into a future-oriented, comprehensive strategic alliance that extends beyond security and economics to encompass advanced industries as well.

Ahead of his first visit to Washington, the president visited Japan, restoring shuttle diplomacy early in his term. He also held an early summit with Japan's new Prime Minister, thereby strengthening the foundations of ROK-Japan cooperation and ROK-U.S.-Japan trilateral cooperation.

We also successfully hosted a state visit by the President of China - the first in 11 years - fully restoring ROK-China relations and carrying this momentum forward through a meeting with the Chinese Premier in South Africa in November.

On the occasion of the G20 Summit, the President visited the UAE, Egypt, South Africa, and Türkiye, expanding cooperative ties with the Middle East, Africa, and the Global South across three pillars of peace, prosperity, and culture.

Through more than 35 bilateral summits to date, we have worked tirelessly to identify substantive projects of cooperation in various sectors, including shipbuilding, energy, and defense industries.

As Foreign Minister, I have worked in tandem with these efforts through my own visits to Japan, the United States, China, India, and Cambodia, as well as through participation in the G7 Foreign Ministers' Meeting, and by co-chairing the Korea-Pacific Islands Foreign Ministers' Meeting.

All of this intensive diplomacy serves one ultimate purpose: to strengthen Korea's national strength at a time of uncertainty, and to pursue cooperation that redounds to the benefit of the daily lives of our people.

As our national strength grows, Korea will become an even 'stronger and more attractive partner' to nations around the world. And the more capable a partner we become, the wider the opportunities that advance our national interests - thereby creating a virtuous cycle.

(Strengthening the ROK-U.S. nuclear partnership)

Let me now turn to some of our most pressing foreign policy issues.

The United States is now calling upon its allies to shoulder a greater share of responsibility like never before.

Whether this should be diagnosed as "neo-isolationism" or an "America First" approach is a matter best left to the experts here.

From our perspective, what matters is how we respond to such developments. We rather see this shift as a window of opportunity to strengthen our defense and economic capabilities, build up our national power, and enhance deterrence against external challenges and threats.

In this context, the recently announced ROK-U.S. Joint Fact Sheet should be viewed through the lens of cultivating Korea's national strength.

As part of our efforts to reinforce our future security capabilities, we are pursuing the acquisition of nuclear-propulsion submarines. Our quest for nuclear-propulsion submarines is entirely separate from the commercial enrichment or reprocessing capacity that we are seeking to enhance our energy security - to which I will return shortly.

As North Korea continues to advance its nuclear and missile capabilities and moves to acquire nuclear-armed submarines, Seoul's acquisition of nuclear-propulsion submarines armed with conventional weapons will enable Korea to maintain 'nuclear-conventional balance' between South and North Korea.

If this balance were to collapse because Seoul is unable to acquire such capabilities, domestic calls for a nuclear option could grow stronger.

Furthermore, nuclear-propulsion submarines will be assets that will be in operation for decades to come, and in that sense, they are very significant as we prepare for the security environment of the future.

More broadly, they will strengthen our ability to contribute further to safeguarding maritime security as a global public good.

In advancing the acquisition process, the Korean government will adhere strictly to international non-proliferation norms.

The more we strengthen our own security capabilities even as we abide by non-proliferation norms, the more capable we can become as an alliance partner - one that is not lopsidedly dependent on the United States - thereby ultimately strengthening the ROK-U.S. alliance.

Another key element of the Joint Fact Sheet lies in deepening investment cooperation with the world's most advanced economy - the United States - in strategic sectors such as energy, shipbuilding, semiconductors, critical minerals, pharmaceuticals, AI and quantum technologies, which in turn will help enhance the future competitiveness of Korean companies.

As China continues to close the competitiveness gap, I believe this is essential for our companies. At the same time, we must ensure that such cooperation does not undermine our domestic industrial ecosystem or jobs at home.

Korea's economy is driven by exports, and at a time when challenges to Korea's export competitiveness are intensifying on multiple fronts, the need to unleash new engines of growth is as urgent as ever.

This is why the fact that we have unlocked the path towards commercial enrichment and reprocessing is of such importance.

For a country aspiring to become one of the world's top three AI powers, a stable supply of nuclear fuel to meet the growing electricity demand of data centers is critical.

From the viewpoint of energy security, it is untenable for Korea - the world's fifth-largest producer of five nuclear energy - to indefinitely rely exclusively on imported low-enriched uranium to fuel its nuclear reactors.

Moreover, with Korea's spent nuclear fuel storage capacity expected to reach its limits in the near future, the ability to reprocess spent nuclear fuel is a sine qua non.

Let me be very clear: we are seeking the ability to enrich uranium and reprocess solely for commercial and peaceful purposes to support our energy security. The notion of so-called "latent nuclear capability" - as some are calling for - is misguided.

The United States has taken well to Korea's efforts to upgrade the alliance into a strategic partnership encompassing advanced technologies. Just last week, at the Reagan National Defense Forum, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth referred to Korea as a model ally.

While serving as Korea's Ambassador to the United Nations, it dawned upon me that the post-Cold War era had come to an end as I witnessed the outbreak of the Ukraine war in February 2022.

Earlier, during the 2021 Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, observing the use of drones underscored to me the renewed importance of technology in warfare.

Amid ongoing armed conflicts across the Middle East and Asia, the foremost objective of Korea's foreign and security policy is 'preventive diplomacy' - ensuring that the Korean Peninsula does not become

a new fault line of conflict.

At the United Nations, I also observed firsthand how the organization had become increasingly dysfunctional, giving rise to deep skepticism about its future role in the international order.

Since the inauguration of the new administration, we have taken a number proactive steps to ease inter-Korean tensions and rebuild trust even as we remain unswervingly committed to the goals of a 'nuclear-free Korean Peninsula' and the 'establishment of a peace regime'.

While there has been no major breakthrough in inter-Korean relations this year, we aim to rally our national strength - building on the record of the past six months - and to make 2026 a year of revived inter-Korean dialogue and tangible progress toward the establishment of a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula.

To this end, we will make strenuous efforts to serve as a pacemaker, unbound by preconceptions.

The diplomacy of the Lee Jae Myung administration will focus on steadfastly expanding Korea's national strength.

With a long-term perspective spanning the decades ahead, we will seize every 'chance for diplomacy' to safeguard our national interests - no matter the circumstance - breaking new ground and expanding cooperation as needed.

I look to the members of the Korean Association of International Studies to continue standing with us as trusted partners in preparing for the uncertainties through diplomacy. We trust you will continue to offer your full support and invaluable insights.

Thank you very much. /END/