Speech by Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul at the Meeting of the Permanent Council of the German Bishops’ Conference

In 2004, Vladimir Putin stood in Kyiv and described the Pechersk Lavra as a "symbol of the spiritual unity of Russia and Ukraine".

Today, more than 20 years later, this same man is sending out swarms of drones and ballistic missiles which last week caused precisely this supposed symbol to go up in flames.

What grotesque cynicism!

Which incidentally also reveals the full extent of the contradiction inherent in Russian propaganda: anyone who claims to be "liberating" or "protecting" a "sister nation" does not bomb its holiest sites.

Its cultural memory.

We see that Putin's war of destruction does not stop at places of worship, at faith, at religion. What the Kremlin wants is no less than to obliterate Ukraine's identity and culture.

That is illustrated by the burning ruins of the Dormition Cathedral in Kyiv.

And by the Transfiguration Cathedral in Odesa, which was bombed in July 2023. I have seen that myself.

It is illustrated very clearly by the numerous ruined and damaged churches and cathedrals, but also mosques and synagogues, in addition to bombed museums, theatres and other cultural sites in Ukraine, which Russia has invaded.

And precisely because these images show us what the real objective is - Putin is conducting more than a war to acquire territory, he is waging a war against Ukraine's identity, freedom and dignity - it is all the more true that

this war of aggression will only strengthen our unwavering support for the freedom and sovereignty of Ukraine.

Bishop Jüsten, you yourself said at the ecumenical prayers for peace on the 4^th anniversary of Russia's invasion, where we also met, that

Ukraine is defending its own freedom, but also, of course, our freedom.

You then went on to say, quite rightly, that many people in Germany are still reluctant to acknowledge this connection.

That is because false prophets are attempting to exploit for their own despicable ends the longing that so many people in Germany have for peace.

These false prophets try to convince us that we only need to silence the weapons, to commence talks, for peace to descend almost automatically.

For me as Foreign Minister, part of my job description is to explore diplomatic options, and Bishop Jüsten, when you sent me and my team out into the world to serve, the spiritual message you gave us specifically called us to be peacemakers. Twice we heard the words: "Peace be with you, the word of Jesus".

So we have to explore these paths, and that is what we are all doing.

Russia, as has become clear in recent months, cannot win its war of aggression from a military perspective.

And that is exactly why new momentum is currently being sparked in many places. Why there is hope that a path to negotiations could open up.

Yet the only person that so far has regrettably shown no serious interest in wanting to silence the weapons is still sitting in the Kremlin.

For four long winters he has systematically bombed the civilian energy and heating infrastructure. He has not managed to use the weapons of cold and darkness to break the will of the Ukrainian people to defend themselves. Now he is trying to do so by unleashing drones on their monasteries. We can still learn a great deal from this resilience.

I therefore also want to say to you in my role as Foreign Minister that diplomacy needs a foundation of strength.

We don't negotiate within some kind of vacuum of illusions, but on the basis of reality.

And for Ukraine we have very realistic, very clear guidelines.

We need an immediate ceasefire. That is the prerequisite for any form of negotiation.

The current front line must be the starting point of any negotiations.

We need security guarantees for Ukraine, and they must be reliable and legally sound.

And European and transatlantic security interests must be rigorously taken into account.

Yet the precondition for all this is that Russia shows a serious interest in a diplomatic solution. And that is not the case.

And as long as that is not the case, we will strive to increase the pressure on Russia, for example with a 21^st sanctions package which should hurt the Kremlin.

And in the EU by extending our economic sanctions against Russia for the first time for twelve rather than only for six months.

At the G7 summit in Évian last week we also managed to send another clear message to the Kremlin.

However, support for Ukraine comprises more than military and economic assistance.

It also involves paving the way for the country's political future.

Our goal is clear: we want to support Ukraine on its way into the European family.

And we are making good progress along this path. Just over a week ago, I met with the EU Foreign Ministers in Luxembourg.

There, we achieved a breakthrough.

We finally reached unanimous agreement among the EU Member States to open the first chapter of EU accession for Ukraine and Moldova. With this step, we are underscoring our solidarity once more.

We as the German Government strongly welcome the fact that this is now advancing quickly. Of course, it is important to point out that this process is not a one-way street and also requires the accession candidates to make progress on implementing their reforms.

Our engagement for Ukraine is therefore twofold.

We are providing support in the form of military, humanitarian and economic assistance and by opening up political prospects.

Prospects that in that form were not evident prior to the Russian invasion. And that perhaps shows the extent of Putin's strategic miscalculation.

Germany is assuming prime responsibility in this situation and leading the way in Europe. Yet we are also doing so in other areas.

For Russia's aggression is not our sole crisis issue.

At the latest when we look towards the South and the East, we can see how closely the crises afflicting our world are interconnected.

Now, following the recent steps that the United States and Iran have taken towards one another, a ray of hope has appeared in the Gulf. Here, too, we as the German Government - but also of course together with our European friends and partners - stand ready to play our part and shoulder international responsibility.

After all, we are already feeling the impact of the blockade in the global economy - I think that is clear to everyone. When people drive to get petrol, if not before, they notice it directly. However, I want to mention some other examples.

In Asia, as a result of the blockade, fertiliser is scarce, and the rice harvests are smaller. This shortage means that food prices are rising significantly. Families are starving.

Yet the blockade is also affecting aid supplies. Not only because the humanitarian organisations themselves have to pay higher prices on the global market, but also because the increase in fuel prices is making further inroads into their already reduced budgets.

In some cases, aid supplies are in danger of no longer finding their way to the places where they are most urgently needed. In the Sudan, for example, where the greatest humanitarian disaster of our times is unfolding before our eyes, where a poverty-stricken population of millions is caught in the crossfire between two hostile warlords and their international sponsors.

In the Strait of Hormuz, both sides have now declared that shipping is to resume. However, several weeks, maybe even months, will pass before that happens and the effects on the strained global food and energy markets can be felt.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Whether we are talking about freedom in Ukraine, protecting shipping routes in the Strait of Hormuz or the suffering in the Sudan, one thing is very clear.

Appeals in themselves combined with a bit of good will are not enough. We need to act. As Germany, as Europe.

We find ourselves in a world that is in the throes of radical change. The global tectonics of power are shifting faster than they have done for generations.

For many years, Germany's prosperity and also Germany's moral compass were inconceivable without the United States.

And today, we can see that the transatlantic relationship is now very different from what it was 15 years ago.

Yet we cannot afford to disregard the facts. As a realist, I view the world as it is and not as I would like it to be.

I can therefore say the following about the transatlantic relationship: today, Europe can no longer presume that the United States will issue a blank cheque for our security. We simply expected it to do so for many years, and it was something we took rather too much for granted, we were probably too comfortable holding those expectations.

And now we have taken decisions that are perhaps initially unpopular, but necessary.

When I said just under a year ago that we need five percent of our GDP for defence, I encountered criticism here, too. Fortunately, that is now the declared goal of all NATO allies.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I hope I haven't now painted too black a picture of our world as I experience it every day in my role as Foreign Minister.

But I am convinced, as I just said, that we need to view the world realistically.

And that political strength alone will not be sufficient.

After all, any enduring peaceful order needs more than power and deterrence.

When we are dealing with a nihilistic desire to destroy, but also with a rapid technological revolution that will radically transform our human coexistence, we need more than the resources that the state has at its disposal.

We also need an ethical bedrock.

The Catholic Church is a global church. Its moral voice sounds out far beyond national borders and into the heart of societies.

It has networks and channels to which no government ministry has access. My appeal to you is this: keep making use of them.

You can provide answers to questions concerning humanity that reverberate around the world.

Pope Leo XIV did so recently in his encyclical letter on the subject of artificial intelligence.

In which he called upon those who are developing the modern models to act responsibly. And reminded them that they hold power in their hands, that their technology is not neutral. In which he warned against the dehumanisation of warfare.

And which is more than anything else a passionate appeal for those qualities that AI - in the words of the Pope - may imitate and simulate, but can never understand.

Joy and pain.

Love, work, friendship and responsibility.

Peace on earth does not result from blindly handing over the responsibility for our human coexistence to a new technology.

And true peace is not created by capitulation in the face of an aggressor to whom nothing is sacred.

It stems only from justice and the unconditional protection of human dignity.

For this we need states with the ability to act.

But also people and institutions, indeed churches, to provide orientation.

Thank you.