03/13/2026 | Press release | Distributed by Public on 03/13/2026 17:01
Photo: U.S. Navy photo/U.S. Central Command
Commentary by Mark F. Cancian and Chris H. Park
Published March 13, 2026
The U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) has reportedly informed Congress that the first six days (D+6) of the war cost $11.3 billion. This is broadly consistent with earlier reports that munitions expenditures in the first few days cost $5.6 billion, but it exceeds the previous CSIS estimate of the war's first 100 hours. Even with the high usage implied by the cost estimate, the DOD does not appear to face immediate inventory concerns in conducting the current conflict. However, reduced inventories create risks, particularly in the western Pacific and Ukraine.
This update: (1) provides a plausible breakdown of the DOD's $11.3 billion topline; (2) assesses the impact on munition inventories if the reported costs are accurate; (3) revises upward the estimated damage to U.S. bases in the region with available reporting and overhead photographs; and (4) estimates total war costs through the first 12 days using the latest DOD information.
As noted in the 100-hour estimates, the total cost for this war is highly sensitive to the mix of munitions used. After munitions use, combat losses and infrastructure damage ($1.4 billion through the first six days) comprise the next largest category. Daily costs have declined substantially since the first days of the war. Coalition air dominance has allowed the use of less expensive short-range munitions, while Iranian missile and drone launches have declined sharply.
In its reporting, the New York Times provided few details on the DOD estimate shared with Congress. The top line reportedly excludes the cost of "buildup of military hardware and personnel ahead of the first strikes" and appears to count only the operation's unbudgeted costs. Subsequent reporting also indicates the $11.3 billion figure did not include any estimate of repairing facilities or replacing losses.
Also unclear is whether this estimate had been reviewed and cleared by the White House. The White House has so far remained silent about war costs. The Office of Management and Budget often disagrees with agencies about what to include. Table 1 estimates the breakdown of the reported $11.3 billion in unbudgeted costs during the first six days of the war.
CSIS applied its existing methodology to estimate the munitions usage implied by the reported war cost six days into the campaign. Table 2 presents the results. The technical note below and the previous CSIS commentaryon the costs of the first 100 hours of the war detail the approach.
Overall, the DOD does not appear to have an inventory problem in sustaining the current conflict because munitions use to date and expected future expenditures will not drive any inventories to zero. These expenditures, however, create risks in other theaters such as Ukraine and the western Pacific, as high-demand munitions are diverted to the current war with Iran. Production in FY 2026 will not fully cover usage to date and will therefore limit the hoped expansion of inventories. Table 3 summarizes this analysis.
Ship-Launched Missiles
Navy destroyers and submarines in the region are striking ground targets with Tomahawk missiles. The destroyers also launch the Standard Missile family of missiles for air defense. Ship-launched missiles introduce a unique constraint because ships need to return to port once missiles are depleted. They cannot be reloaded at sea.
Air- and Ground-Launched Missiles
In-theater magazine depth does not pose a concern for air- and ground-launched missiles. Cargo aircraft can resupply bases in theater, while replenishment ships can deliver munitions to aircraft carriers.
At the time of the publication of CSIS's 100-hour cost estimate, there were many unconfirmed reports of U.S. losses and damages. Three F-15s and one KC-135 remain the only U.S. equipment losses officially confirmed by U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM). Overhead photographs have since become available, which enable some preliminary assessments of damage to U.S. bases. Details remain highly limited. The cost could be significantly higher depending on what equipment was inside the facilities that were struck. In our estimate, the satellite communication systems ("golf balls") are the primary cost driver. CSIS awaits further information from the DOD. The aggregate cost estimate below includes the reported loss of at least one THAAD AN/TPY-2 radar and 11 Reaper drones.
The DOD continues to release limited information about ongoing operations, making cost estimation difficult. The various, competing public reports on DOD-estimated war costs provide useful signals but lack the detail needed to develop a high-confidence estimate.
The costs of the war are not evenly distributed. The first several days were much more expensive than the subsequent days. U.S. forces appear to have heavily used high-end ground-attack munitions initially-as laid out in Table 2. CSIS's 100-hour estimate was low, as the intense early use of air defense and exquisite strike munitions and the extent of the infrastructure damage exceeded initial assumptions. The use of high-cost ground attack munitions decreased when the U.S. coalition gained air superiority, which allowed the use of much less expensive munitions.
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine indicated that U.S. forces had approached a "point of munitions transition" by the fourth day of Operation Epic Fury. Thus, the United States continues to fight with precision-guided munitions but predominantly with less expensive, shorter-range weapons that are more abundant in stockpiles. Hegseth reported that only 1 percent of munitions used by Day 14 were stand-off. CSIS's 100-hour estimate placed the munitions transition point earlier in the campaign than subsequent DOD releases suggest.
To illustrate the magnitude of the change, a single Tomahawk missile costs around $3.5 million, whereas a BLU-110 bomb fitted with the JDAM guidance kit costs less than $100,000. Both accurately deliver 1,000-pound payloads.
The United States and its coalition partners also had to defend against attacks by large numbers of Iranian ballistic missiles and drones. These attacks declined by around 90 percent by Day 5, requiring many fewer interceptions. Nearly all of the casualties and damage to bases appear to have occurred during the first few days when attacks were heaviest. Damage to bases appears to have nearly stopped, with a concomitant decline in casualties. Here, our previous calculation gave coalition partners more credit for shooting down Iranian missiles and drones. DOD estimates reported following publication of the original estimate imply a far greater U.S. burden for air defense.
Keeping the assumptions about the U.S.-allied split in air defense and assuming more than 90 percent of munitions used after Day 5-"point of munitions transition"-to be low-cost weapons, Operation Epic Fury is estimated to have cost $16.5 billion by its twelfth day. This number includes the cost of operations-both budgeted and unbudgeted-and damages. War costs will increase by about half a billion dollars a day, unless one side significantly changes its activities or an outside event alters the war substantially. Figure 1 illustrates the daily cost of this war, showing the huge cost impact of the munitions shift, while Figure 2 illustrates the cumulative sum.
Total expenditures are large enough for the administration to ask Congress for additional funds. The internal trade-offs to cover war costs within the existing budget would be very difficult. In theory, Congress could redirect some of the $153 billion from the reconciliation bill toward Operation Epic Fury, but that would undermine the concept behind the increase: to build capability, not pay existing bills.
These estimates will not be the final word on war costs. The war, of course, continues, and surprises will occur. Further, these estimates do not include provisions for resupplying Israel, higher fuel costs across the DOD, or increased domestic security-all of which are likely to be included in a final government-wide tally. In addition, there will be future veterans' benefits for injured service members, though these are not customarily recognized in current budgets.
This technical note provides additional details on the CSIS calculations. The starting point was the DOD's officially released data. These provided the number of targets struck, the number of Iranian missile and drone attacks, and information to build the U.S. order of battle. News reports, known U.S. capacity, and past campaigns helped fill the gaps.
CSIS continues to refine its methodology to account for additional information as it becomes available.
Mark F. Cancian (Colonel, U.S. Marine Corps Reserve, ret.) is a senior adviser with the Defense and Security Department at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Chris H. Park is a research associate for the Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy at CSIS.
The authors are grateful for the expeditious work by Madison Bruno and Julia Huh in editing and formatting this article.
If you are interested in learning more about this topic, explore CSIS's Executive Education courses Meeting China's Military Challenge and Inside DOD's FY 2027 Budget.
Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).
© 2026 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.
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