Lecture by the President of the Government of Spain, Pedro Sánchez, at Tsinghua University

Beijing (China)

SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN, PEDRO SÁNCHEZ

Respected President and Chancellor of Tsinghua University.

Professors.

Students of Tsinghua University.

Da jia hao.

It is a true honour to be in this temple of knowledge. A global benchmark for teaching and research. A place where human beings explore the limits of science and our imagination. And where we also find new ways to cooperate and prosper within those limits.

Let me start by talking about just that: about science and also about imagination. With a story that took place not far from here, more than four centuries ago.

In 1583, an Italian Jesuit named Matteo Ricci arrived in China. In his meagre luggage, he brought with him some books, an astrolabe, and a world map.

It was a European map. Accurate in its proportions, highly advanced in its level of detail, but biased in its perspective. Because what it did was show the world as the West saw it: with Europe at the centre and Asia on its far right edge. At the ends of the earth. Upon seeing it, the cartographers of the imperial court asked the Jesuit why China appeared right on the edge of the map. And the European scholar understood for the first time that the Mediterranean Sea was the centre of his world, but not of others. Each world had its own centre, which is why Matteo Ricci completely redrew his map. This time, using the Pacific Ocean as its axis and including the entire Eurasian continent within it.

More than 400 years have passed since then, more than 400 years. But there are still, unfortunately, people who continue to see the world as it appeared on that first map distorted by Ricci. I say distorted because I know that the world wasn't like that. I know that, in 1583, China was already a great power, representing a quarter of the world's population and GDP. That it traded with half the planet. And that it led in science and technology in many fields.

I know this because, at that time, Spain, as the University President has reminded us, was also a great empire. An empire that traded raw materials and manufactured goods with the Ming Dynasty through the Manila corridor. And that sailed the oceans with magnetic compasses, muskets, and stern rudders. In short, with technologies of Chinese origin.

Spain at that time was aware of China's greatness. It knew that Beijing was not on the periphery of the world, but one of its centres.

And today's Spain also knows this. It knows that China is rebuilding its greatness. That it is already the world's leading exporter of goods and the fourth largest in services. That industry and its science are transforming the fight against global warming and also reducing poverty. And that, as such, China is destined to play an essential role in the future of the world.

That is why, for me, dear president, professors, it is a true honour to address this centre of thought as a Spaniard and also as a European.

There are those who insist on interpreting reality in zero-sum terms. On narrating the growth of some as a loss for the rest. Or on arguing that deepening certain relationships implies giving up others.

But I believe that this interpretation is not only wrong. It is also dangerous, because it is stagnant. Because it makes us prisoners of the past and limits the possibilities that the future offers us. Because it falls into the error of assuming that the world we see, the world of old maps, is the only possible world.

In my opinion, what is happening today is not a transfer of hegemonies. It is a multiplication of poles. Not only power, but also prosperity. And this is great news for Europe. Because for the first time in contemporary history, progress is sprouting simultaneously in many places around the world. Places, moreover, that are not alike. That do not share the same culture. Nor the same political system, nor the same social conditions. And that do not need to ask anyone's permission to grow. This is happening here in China, in Asia. But also on the African continent, and also in a region very close to Spain, like Latin America.

This multipolarity I am describing is not a hypothesis. Nor is it a wish. It is already a reality. The new reality in which the world lives. And, therefore, we must accept it. We cannot change it. We can only choose to deny it or embrace it.

And the Government of Spain, the whole of Spanish society chooses to embrace it. It does so with realism, with pragmatism, and, without a doubt, with responsibility. But I would like to emphasise that we also do this with hope. Because we believe that if Spain, Europe, and China were able to prosper together in the past, there is no reason to think we cannot do so again.

Obviously, it won't be easy. We know that. There are also issues that separate us. Matters on which we don't share the same opinion. On which we compete. We also disagree. Points on which we will not agree. Perhaps we will never agree.

But humanity progresses when we build on what unites us Not when we deepen the chasms that divide us. With that spirit, we work from Spain with many other countries like Brazil, India, South Africa, and Mexico. And of course, also in our relations with China.

Spain's proposal, therefore, is clear: to build a relationship based on mutual respect. A respect that allows us, among other things, to cooperate in all possible areas. To compete where necessary. And also to manage our differences when they are unavoidable.

And Spain defends this same vision everywhere in the world and in every capital city. It does so in Madrid, our capital. In Brussels, the capital of Europe. And it does so in the rest of the world in the same way.

But for this vision to work and for the world to prosper under the new multipolar order, we will need three very important things to develop in the coming months and years. Three elements that I would like to share with you all.

The first is that efficient multilateralism is not possible without a strengthened multilateralism.

There are those who believe that the multilateral system is dead. Unfortunately, we are seeing many cases in the media of crises, of wars happening around the world. They think that, indeed, this multilateral world is dead, that it's a thing of the past. And I want to say here that I profoundly disagree with that analysis. And I do so emphatically.

I think that the instruments of global governance worked in the 20th century and that they are more necessary today than ever. That rules and cross-border cooperation are the only tools that will allow humanity to overcome the climate emergency and the other challenges of this era.

I believe that the multipolar world needs a robust multilateral system, not to impose a single vision, but to transform the melting pot of our perspectives into a strength for all humanity. Not to eliminate our differences, but to deal with them peacefully, with respect.

Because multipolarity without rules leads to rivalry, and from rivalry only wars, trade conflicts, and ruin arise.

That is why, in Spain, we call for a profound renewal of the multilateral architecture. It must be made more efficient, more transparent, more accountable, and also more inclusive and pluralistic.

Because if multilateralism is to remain useful, it must change and better reflect the balance of power and the sensitivities of today's world. We cannot allow the past to stifle the future of multilateral organisations.

That is why I believe the West must relinquish some of its representation quotas in favour of global stability and the confidence of countries in the Global South.

That is why I believe we must transform the United Nations as soon as possible with a much stronger General Assembly, a more representative Security Council, and a more democratic decision-making system in which all regions truly have a voice and a vote, and where middle powers can also play a unifying and harmonising role, which is what is expected of them.

And we in Spain also believe it would be good if, for the first time in history, a woman led the United Nations Secretariat.

The second point I would like to share with you all is that this new multipolar order must function, and it must do so with balanced and reciprocal trade relations. We cannot simply move from the imbalances of the 20th century to a different one in the 21st century.

And for that development to be stable, sustainable, and healthy, the multipolar order will need a more horizontal and fairer economy, one in which there are no losing regions and winning regions, but rather truly global supply chains that create jobs and wealth in all corners of the planet and share negative externalities proportionally.

Why do I say this? Because the European Union is doing its part. Whether it's doing so quickly or slowly is debatable, and it's certainly facing difficulties, I acknowledge that, but it is doing its part.

In the last decade alone, we have signed trade agreements with 25 countries. We have increased our imports from the so-called Global South by 80% and created more than 25 million jobs annually outside our borders.

We need China to do the same. To open up so that Europe doesn't have to close itself off. To help us correct the current trade deficit we have with it.

A deficit that is not balanced, that grew again by 18% last year alone, and that is unsustainable for our societies in the medium and long term. And it is unsustainable because of the isolationist movements it fuels and the grievances and social pain it causes. To give you an idea, our trade deficit with China already represents 74% of our country's total deficit.

Therefore, I believe it is important that we correct this, cooperate, and jointly build a balanced, globalised economy that generates shared prosperity.

The third element we will need for the multipolar order to function is greater involvement from major and middle powers in the management and provision of what academics call global public goods. For example, the fight against climate change, security, defence, and the fight against inequality.

In short, emerging and established powers must provide these global public goods.

Size not only implies power, but also entails a responsibility that cannot be delegated. Because the major problems of the 21st century don't require visas; they cross borders and affect us all.

I am thinking, for example, of the fight against climate change, the challenges posed by global health, the development of responsible artificial intelligence, nuclear weapons control, the eradication of poverty, and, as I mentioned before, the safeguarding of global health. These are the areas where funding has fallen by 23% in the last year - 23%.

Without the cooperation of the major powers, and of course, China as well, these goals are not just difficult; they are simply unattainable. I know that China is fully aware of this and is doing a great deal, and I applaud that. But I believe that China can do more. For example, by demanding, as it is doing, that international law be respected and that the conflicts in Lebanon, Iran, Gaza, the West Bank, and Ukraine cease. Because international law is the foundation of everything. By sharing its technology with the most disadvantaged countries, by forgiving debt, and by contributing to the financing of the system through participation in swap programmes.

Naturally, Europe will also have to redouble its efforts, especially now that the United States has decided to withdraw from many of these fronts. Europe's contribution is and will be essential. Therefore, I humbly ask that you also see it this way, so as not to fall into the trap of Matteo Ricci and be deceived by maps.

Because Europe may appear small on a world map, but in reality, it is quite the opposite. The facts are these: the European Union is currently the world's largest trading bloc and the second largest economy. It is also the leading recipient of Foreign Direct Investment. It is the second most innovative ecosystem. It also has a highly skilled workforce. It is the second most productive economy on the planet and first in terms of life satisfaction, social cohesion, and well-being.

With this, I don't mean to boast about anything or hide our many shortcomings, which we certainly have. What I mean by this is that Europe is a key player in world stability, prosperity, and peace, and that without a united, and therefore fragmented, Europe, there cannot be, nor will there be, a stable international order or a prosperous future for humanity, just as there cannot be without the participation of this great country, China. That is why we are called to understand each other and to cooperate.

Dear professors and students, I will now conclude. Four centuries after Matteo Ricci arrived in China and had to correct his map, humanity continues to search for the fairest perspective from which to see the world as it truly is, and not as dictated by power or prejudice.

A few days ago, four US astronauts travelled farther from Earth than any other human being has ever travelled. And, from there, they perhaps obtained that perspective. From there, they saw the Earth as it truly is: a sphere without ends or borders.

A unique, unrepeatable blue sphere in the most hostile environment to life that can exist. We humans are the result of that miracle. Perhaps the only one in the universe. And therefore, it is our duty to understand each other and cooperate to ensure that this miracle continues to flourish.

Thank you very much. Xie xie.

(Transcript edited by the State Secretariat for Communication)

Original speech in Spanish

Non official translation