Speech by the Minister for Foreign Affairs Elina Valtonen at the 2026 Annual Meeting of Heads of Mission

Speech by the Minister for Foreign Affairs Elina Valtonen at the 2026 Annual Meeting of Heads of Mission

"Democracy. The rule of law. Human rights. Equality. The freedom of each and every individual to pursue a life they choose for themselves. When the world around us is changing rapidly these are the values we must uphold."

Esteemed Heads of Mission, dear colleagues and friends,

"Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety."

So wrote Benjamin Franklin.

Ben Franklin was not only a writer, a scientist and a statesman - he was also a diplomat. Though his thinking already dates back more than two centuries, it feels exceptionally relevant at the present time.

Safety without liberty is ultimately no safety at all. Nor can liberty endure without the capacity to defend it.

The prime objective of Finland's foreign and security policy is therefore ultimately very simple:

Ensuring the liberty of Finland and the wellbeing of its citizens.

I would like to examine this mission today from both a past and future perspective.

As this is, at least for now, my last address to an Annual Meeting of Heads of Mission as Minister for Foreign Affairs, I shall begin by looking back a little. I shall then discuss what an evolving world requires of us - and the kind of Finland and Europe that we should seek to build.

The programme of the Petteri Orpo Government that we set out in the spring of three years ago outlined the beginning of a new era in foreign and security policy.

Finland had just joined NATO at this time. The Russian war of aggression against Ukraine was redefining European security. Our mission was demanding but clear: to embed Finland in the alliance, to support Ukraine, and to reinforce European defence and deterrence.

But the new era also signified something further.

The coupling of geopolitics with the economy and technology was strengthening rapidly. Semiconductors, energy, critical infrastructure, data, trade and investment were no longer merely matters of economic policy.

They were also part of security policy.

We accordingly placed the strategic competitiveness of Finland and Europe at the core of foreign and security policy.

The new era was not a ready-made structure that Finland could simply join. It was - and remains - something that we must build for ourselves.

Our operating conditions are in continual flux. No single government programme or report can foresee everything that will happen in coming years.

The world is changing.

But the values of Finland remain.

Democracy. The rule of law. Human rights. Equality. The freedom of individuals to decide about their own lives.

These are things that we must hold fast in times when the world around us is changing rapidly.

When I assumed the post of Minister for Foreign Affairs, Russia had been waging a major war of aggression against Ukraine for just over a year. Finland had been a member of NATO for just a couple of months.

My term of office has subsequently been marked by accumulating conflicts and increasing complexity.

Two turning points in particular have remained in my thoughts.

The first occurred on the second weekend of October 2023.

The terrorist attack by Hamas on Israel and the subsequent war in Gaza restored the focus of global politics to the fragile situation in the Middle East.

That focus had previously been dominated primarily by the war in Ukraine. It has subsequently been shared between a growing number of crises.

Finland is working to end the violence and bring about a two-state solution. We are working to promote freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. We stand ready to take the spirit of Helsinki to the Middle East - affirming that dialogue, cooperation and a rules-based order remain possible, even in the most difficult situations.

Something else also happened over that same weekend.

The Chinese vessel NewNew Polar Bear was involved in incidents that damaged cables and critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. Whether or not this was accidental, the stability of our immediate region has been continually tested since that time.

The Russian shadow fleet, the threats to critical infrastructure, and the drones that strayed into Finnish airspace this year have all reminded us of how close war has come.

Over a single weekend, a new stratum of foreign and security policy formed that was both remote and very local.

In three years, Russian hybrid influence activities and warfare have become a topical issue throughout Europe.

Who could have believed just a short while ago that children in the Helsinki metropolitan area would be late for school due to a drone threat on a Friday in May 2026?

Ukraine is standing up to the Russian military machine, and our support belongs to a country fighting a defensive war.

Meanwhile the drones that stray into Finnish airspace are a threat to our security, even though we understand why this happens.

The authorities in Finland have demonstrated their ability to operate in an evolving environment.

We have made significant government decisions to develop comprehensive security capabilities. I have been proud to present the range of Finnish expertise to international guests - most recently this summer to the foreign ministers of Germany and Austria, in underground facilities, in the Gulf of Finland, and on the eastern border.

A period of profound peace has given way to an era of preparedness. Indeed to the kind of era in which Finland has always lived. The goodwill of our neighbour has never sufficed to lull us into magnanimity.

But we are also currently living in an era of openness in foreign and security policy. Challenges are not to be downplayed. And we are working more closely than ever before with our friends.

We live in an era when everything is linked to everything else.

Another major turning point occurred on 20 January 2025 when Donald Trump began his term as 47th President of the United States.

Since that day, hardly any of us have been able to wake up in the morning without checking the news or social media updates that came from across the Atlantic during the night.

The priorities of US foreign and security policy changed, but most crucially, so did the operating methods.

A shifting agenda has become the norm. The US administration seeks to bring about in weeks or even days, things that once took years to accomplish.

Diplomacy must also be able to respond to this pace.

Many of us remember exactly where we were on 11 September 2001 when the United States was the target of a terrorist attack and the iconic WTC towers collapsed in New York.

I was in the Otaniemi Technology Student Village, writing an editorial for Otahuuto magazine, when a friend called and told me to turn on the TV.

It will soon be a quarter of a century since that historic event.

Many of us also remember the television coverage from 28th February last year when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyi visited President Trump at the White House.

Perhaps not the precise date, but certainly the situation and mood.

It was bewildering to watch how the leader of a country engaged in a defensive war was treated under crystal chandeliers.

Something within us was shattered.

Over those weeks, the United States suspended its financial support for Ukraine and opened up communication with Russia. Further baffling situations have unfolded since that time.

Exactly one year later, on 28th February this year, the United States and Israel launched the Iran war.

President Trump has yet to bring the war in Ukraine to an end. But he has achieved one thing that is of great importance for Europe:

NATO has become more European.

That is a good thing.

It doesn't mean that the transatlantic relationship has disappeared.

That relationship remains the cornerstone of European security. It is based on a long-term partnership that reflects the values of freedom and democracy.

We do not agree with the United States on everything - nor have we ever always done so before.

We also engage in dialogue on issues where our perspectives differ.

The relationship between Finland and the United States is exceptionally strong.

We have never been heard as clearly in the United States as we are at present. Special thanks for this should be addressed to President of the Republic, Alexander Stubb.

We have signed an agreement on icebreaker cooperation, and we have strengthened broad cooperation in both security and economic relations. Growth in our exports to the United States over the past five years has replaced all of our exports to Russia from before the war of aggression.

And every time I have met with Secretary of State Rubio, the meeting has been prolonged because there were so many matters to discuss.

As the transatlantic relationship evolves, so must Europe in turn.

Ladies and gentlemen, now is the time for Europe.

A video has been circulating on social media in recent months featuring a neo-Italo DJ duo playing laid-back music on a dilapidated rooftop terrace, puffing on cigarettes and sipping Campari while the world crashes down around them.

Whether you're a fan of Campari or not, this piece encapsulates much about the European lifestyle that we can be proud of.

Europe is a place for people.

And you can also laugh at it.

To make sure that it stays that way, we must nonetheless also put our own house in order.

Our success has been built on an open market economy, on the rule of law, and on the freedom of individuals to engage in enterprise, innovate, and get ahead.

But also on the ability to make mistakes without allowing a single failure to close off all opportunities for the rest of your life.

It is these values that have made Europe what she is today.

We accordingly need more, not less, diversity and competition between ideas.

We need more freedom of expression and trust in people - and especially at the present time when these common strengths of ours are being brought to bear against us.

We need fewer obstacles frustrating the willingness of individuals to experiment and take risks.

Instead of subsidising industries, regions, or outdated structures, we need to support people in the age of artificial intelligence.

We need more room for competition - both within our internal market and beyond.

Closed markets and centralised control ultimately make everyone poorer.

Protectionism must be abandoned, even unilaterally. The European Union has done some exemplary work in this respect. The United States imposed tariffs on us a year ago, and we waived our own while establishing new free trade relations. Let's focus on the things that we can influence.

I think our goal should be a comprehensive transatlantic free trade area.

The first stage would cover the defence industry, removing barriers to trade in defence materiel, reinforcing the common manufacturing base, and strengthening industrial cooperation.

This would simultaneously strengthen European security, NATO, and the capabilities of the entire Western community.

Strengthening Europe does not mean cowering in Europe.

A strong Europe is an open Europe.

This is a Europe that trades, builds partnerships, and takes responsibility in the world.

It is often suggested that the European Union is incapable of getting anything done.

It is understandable that the pace of action in the Union can sometimes be frustratingly slow. After all, it comprises 27 democracies.

Differences of opinion are an essential part of democracy. That's not a bug, it's a feature.

But democracy should never imply the inability to act.

We need to take a new step. We could progress towards a multi-track Union and, for those who are willing, towards a people's Europe that was capable of acting more swiftly where joint action is essential.

That must not mean centralising power.

On the contrary, it should mean decentralisation of power, a freer market economy, a stronger common foreign and security policy, strong external borders, less bureaucracy, a more integrated internal market, rectification of casting defects in the monetary union, a functional capital market, and freedom for people to work and establish business enterprises across borders.

Europe must be able to make foreign and security policy decisions, even when there are momentary differences of opinion among the 27+ Member States. It must also be possible to make decisions by qualified majority in such matters.

The Union and its policymaking must be reformed as we open up avenues for neighbouring countries to progress towards EU membership.

Economic competitiveness is not a sideline of foreign policy.

It is part of Finland's security.

The Orpo Government set out in difficult geopolitical circumstances to reform a Finland that was becoming indebted and structurally backward.

This reform work has made a good start, and it must continue in coming years.

Real competitiveness is always measured in the global market.

And that global market is the home ground of our people at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs.

Deals are made by businesses.

But the entire staff of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs also deserves much gratitude.

Our export efforts and work to reinforce economic relations have begun to bear fruit.

The integration of export services into the Ministry for Foreign Affairs at the beginning of the year also obliges us to press ahead.

Finland must succeed internationally.

But it must also become international.

We welcome people who want to join us in building Finland through work, enterprise, innovation and creativity.

That doesn't mean opening the borders to everyone.

But it does mean building a society in which various people can build the Finland of the future together, and with their own strengths. It means a country in which everyone is treated equitably and has equal opportunities irrespective of background, gender, skin colour, religion, or any other aspect of identity.

It means a country in which everyone plays by the same rules. A country that will continue to be the happiest in the world.

We have substantially reformed the foreign affairs administration in recent years. You all deserve a vote of thanks for that work.

The keyword has been effective, transparent management.

Exceptionally talented people are our principal and primary resource at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. You are already prepared to take responsibility. All you need is to be given the opportunity and adequate guidance. Our work must be rewarding and meaningful. The Ministry for Foreign Affairs must be a professional employer, and the work of supervisors now enjoys a degree of care and attention that differs entirely from how things were just a few years ago.

We have restructured to support Finland's foreign policy priorities in a changed world, and to enable a rapid response.

We have had to make difficult decisions to balance public finances during the current government term. The next government will also have to make difficult decisions. While the foreign service enjoys no immunity to the obligations of austerity, our role is a special one that must be safeguarded, even in more economically challenging times.

We are the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Our impact is measured on grounds that lie beyond the borders of Finland. We have accordingly done everything to protect our network of missions, and this work will continue.

We should nevertheless bear in mind that effectiveness does not always require a hefty on-site presence.

Our network of missions must be assessed and enhanced according to where the presence of Finland will yield the greatest political value, exports and investment.

Each mission must have a clear strategic function.

And at the end of each year, we must be able to ask certain key questions:

Was any new connection established?

Was any progress made in facilitating new market access for Finnish businesses?

Did we reinforce defence or security cooperation?

Goals that cannot be measured are hard to manage.

Traditional diplomatic expertise will remain the core of our operations. The operational capacity of missions and their heads in crisis situations also remains an absolute necessity.

I would like to express my gratitude for the way in which you and the staff of your missions have shown such flexibility this year in the face of unexpected and demanding events on numerous occasions.

Besides traditional diplomatic expertise, we also need a stronger grasp of economics, technology, energy, data and business.

Even so, we don't need to have all skills in-house, and are increasingly working with both public administration and the business sector.

The foreign service of the future will not be confined to merely monitoring change in the world.

Its mission will be to help Finland succeed in the world.

And that's something we're pretty good at!

So, how do we make sure that we can continue to enjoy our Campari to an easygoing rhythm on rooftop terraces?

Or listen to Finlandia against the backdrop of a glittering lake while enjoying the fruits of our labour?

This is no idle question in an era of artificial intelligence.

That era is transforming the economy, work, warfare, and security.

Above all, it can also shift the balance of power in the world.

Whoever controls computing power, data, energy, semiconductors, and the most advanced artificial intelligence models will secure a new kind of economic, military and political power.

This elevates artificial intelligence policy to something higher than a sub-genre of technology policy.

It becomes a matter of foreign and security policy.

The pace of artificial intelligence development has been dizzying in recent months.

It is increasingly applied in warfare, and is gaining ground in civilian occupations. It is solving issues that have been beyond the reach of human beings.

Artificial intelligence agents are able to converse - and even to strategise together, coordinating functions and acting with increasing autonomy.

Artificial intelligence can be used to develop biological threats, and to find vulnerabilities in cybersecurity.

This can bring great benefits.

But it can also cause widespread destruction, either by accident or on falling into the wrong hands.

Indeed we are now only seeing the first stage.

The world needs international rules and standards for artificial intelligence.

They must be formulated together with industry operators, governments and civil society.

They must be human-centred.

People must retain agency and ultimate status as decision-makers, even in a future where the intelligence and performance of artificial intelligence surpasses our own many times over.

We must work to decentralise power.

Finland is well placed to work for progress coupled with a good future for humanity.

We are respected not only as a supporter and developer of international law, but also as a technological pioneer.

Our newly launched UN Security Council campaign provides a good platform for Finland to show initiative.

We know how to build trust, both within and between countries.

Aside from our foreign and security policy, our entire existence is founded on an international treaty-based system.

Artificial intelligence is more than a mere security issue.

It is also an issue of economic power.

The AI revolution is shifting value from labour to capital.

This is why the people of Finland cannot remain bystanders.

We have traditionally focused on equalising incomes, and we have alienated individuals from opportunities to accumulate substantial capital.

It's time to revise our mindset.

Finland is in any case too small to solve the wealth disparities of the entire world. At most, we can equalise to sideline ourselves from development.

Like it or not, concentrations of capital are a condition for new investment and jobs.

If we have none of our own, then others will own them for us.

The link to foreign and security policy is clear.

It will be harder for us to defend human rights and a European way of life if we are working with capital that values freedom and a good social model in ways that differ from our own understanding.

The compass heading must be changed.

We already enjoy the political freedoms.

We must also attend to financial freedoms.

We need enterprise, room for both success and failure, international trade, broadly-based grassroots capitalism, and strong anchor owners that are rooted in our shared values and not easily intimidated.

We must develop a society that attracts people seeking to make and commercialise inventions, and to enhance their skills.

This is also the best promise to make for young people - whether born here or elsewhere - to remain and pursue their dreams.

Finland's missions abroad have a great deal to contribute to this ambition, whether through consular services, globalisation of businesses, or country branding work.

This year marks 250 years since the founding of the United States and those observations by Benjamin Franklin.

The people who once crossed the ocean from Europe were those who sought to break away from the suffocating structures of the old continent and build a new kind of future.

They were willing to take risks.

Until very recently, many entrepreneurs and specialists have pursued the same course.

But what if a growing number choose to come here in future?

What if Europe could once again become a place where people come in search of liberty?

A place where you can innovate, start a business, take risks, fail, try again and succeed.

A place where technology serves the people, and where those people are not serfs to technology.

A place where economic power and political liberty are mutually reinforcing.

A place that can defend itself without excluding the rest of the world.

A place that takes responsibility, and that holds fast to its values even when they are hard to defend.

I think this is a major mission and ambition for Finland and for Europe.

We must defend liberty.

We must strengthen security.

We must build competitiveness.

We must stay on the cutting edge of technology.

And we must ensure that people retain the ability to decide their own lives, even in an age of artificial intelligence.

Ben Franklin once asked how much freedom a person was willing to exchange for security.

The question for our age may be a corollary to this:

Can we build a good world in which there is no need to sacrifice our freedom?

I think we can.

But it won't happen by itself.

It will call for positive action from Finland, courage from Europe, and work from all of us.

Let's make Europe a beacon of liberty.

Leading expertise - and even Campari as appropriate.

Ladies and gentlemen, Dear friends and colleagues,

it is a huge privilege to embark on this work together with you all.

Thank you.