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01/15/2026 | Press release | Distributed by Public on 01/15/2026 14:44

The Costs and Global Trade-Offs of U.S. Military Action Against Venezuela

The Costs and Global Trade-Offs of U.S. Military Action Against Venezuela

Photo: PO2 Gladjimi Balisage/DVIDS

Commentary by Mark F. Cancian and Chris H. Park

Published January 15, 2026

As the U.S. force surge into the Caribbean continues into its sixth month, the question arises: How much does this campaign cost? A rough answer is $31 million per day. Of this, $28 million was already in the budget, but about $3 million is unbudgeted. The Department of Defense (DOD) will need to cover this by cutting other programs, using money from the reconciliation bill, or persuading the White House to ask Congress for more money. The major cost is the strategic trade-off: Forces in the Caribbean limit assets available for other hotspots, such as the Middle East or the Indo-Pacific. That is, however, a trade-off the administration has said it is willing to make.

The Fiscal Costs

The FY 2026 budget includes funds to operate the ships and aircraft deployed to the Caribbean and to pay the service members who operate them. The table below shows the authors' estimate for those forces fully engaged in operations. Beyond these, many forces and capabilities have been used intermittently, like bombers, satellites, and cyber.

The table represents a snapshot. However, the force levels have been fairly constant since September. The major change has been the arrival of the Gerald R. Ford carrier strike group (CSG) in December.

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Senior Adviser, Defense and Security Department
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Research Associate, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy

Programs & Projects

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Because these costs were already in the DOD budget, they are not available for allocation elsewhere. They do not represent losses to education or healthcare, for example.

However, these operations incur costs above what had been anticipated in the FY 2026 budget, which the DOD finalized over a year ago. For example, units sent to the Caribbean will have a higher level of operations than anticipated, and personnel will receive additional benefits, such as family separation allowances. Even units planned for deployment will likely operate at a higher intensity-more steaming days, more flight hours. Based on the senior author's previous experience in the Office of Management and Budget, these additional costs would add about 10 percent to the budgeted cost, or $3 million per day.

There is no contingency fund in the DOD budget for unexpected operations. Conflicts cost extra. The Biden administration, for example, asked Congress to pass a half dozen supplemental appropriations to fund the U.S. response to wars in Ukraine and the Middle East. If there were enough slack in the budget to cover unanticipated operations, budgeteers would have taken it away years ago. To fund these costs internally, the DOD would need to curtail other planned activities.

Alternatively, the money might come from funds provided in the FY 2026 reconciliation bill (the One Big Beautiful Bill Act). In Section 20011, DOD received $1 billion "to support border operations, including deployment of military personnel." Although legislators likely had the Southwest border in mind, the language might be expanded to cover Caribbean counterdrug operations. Finally, if the deployment continues long enough, the White House could request additional funds in a supplemental appropriation or in an FY 2027 reconciliation bill.

The DOD will likely want to be reimbursed for the Caribbean operations without cutting other activities or using money intended for the Southwest border. The Trump White House, like previous administrations, will be reluctant to propose a supplemental budget unless it is unavoidable. Supplementals often become a "free money" scramble, with advocates across government competing to secure funding for their favorite programs that were not included in the regular budget. The senior author's experience is that the breakpoint is about a billion dollars. Below that, the White House is likely to lean on the DOD to find the money internally. Above that, the trade-offs get too difficult.

The Opportunity Costs

Opportunity costs reflect trade-offs in the allocation of military forces, not monetary costs paid by the American taxpayer. Assets sent to the Caribbean could have been sent elsewhere. For example, because the Ford carrier went to the Caribbean, there was no aircraft carrier in Europe, the Mediterranean, or the Middle East. That is a risk the administration has explicitly accepted. The 2025 National Security Strategy directs the "readjustment of our global military presence to address urgent threats in our Hemisphere, especially the missions identified in this strategy, and away from theaters whose relative import to American national security has declined in recent decades or years."

Nevertheless, it is worthwhile laying out that opportunity cost because it has strategic effects. The analysis below focuses on Navy ships because the trade-offs there are so clear, and ships are relatively easy to count.

The analysis begins with Table 2, which lists the 15 "battle force ships" in the region.

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Battle force ships are defined as (a) "a commissioned United States Ship warship capable of contributing to combat operations" or (b) "a United States Naval Ship that contributes directly to Navy warfighting or support missions." Table 3 reproduces periodic releases from the Department of the Navy to the U.S. Naval Institute that show battle force ship activity.

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The total battle force of 293 ships includes commissioned warships (with the "USS" prefix, crewed by Navy sailors) and combat logistics and support ships (with the "USNS" prefix, crewed primarily by civilians). This count excludes the Army logistics ships, Coast Guard cutters, and the SOF mothership (Ocean Trader, a converted commercial ship). Tasking 15 ships, at first glance, would not appear to put a major strain on a fleet that numbers 293 battle force ships.

However, Navy ships are not always deployed. In a given 24-32 month period, a Navy warship generally goes on a single deployment lasting six to seven months, with the remaining time spent in home port for maintenance and training. The number of ships available to conduct extended operations at any given time is thus much smaller than 293.

Ninety-eight ships are "deployed" today. This number includes ships forward stationed in places like Japan and Spain, as well as those on extended deployments from their home ports. Forward stationed ships are considered "deployed" even if they are at the pier.

"Underway" captures ships at sea. The Navy reports that 39 of the 51 ships underway are deployed on extended operations. The rest may not be deployed but are still at sea for local operations to train, test equipment, or certify a ship before deployment.

The "underway and deployed" group is available for extended missions such as counterdrug operations in the Caribbean. In theory, ships in the "local underway" category could be diverted to Caribbean operations, but these ships were not planned for extended deployments. If that happens, the ships will miss scheduled maintenance, thus exacerbating the Navy's severe ship maintenance problems and disrupting families who had planned time at home between regular deployments.

The administration has 38 percent of its underway naval strength (15 of 39 ships) in the Caribbean. This is a substantial change from previous practice but is consistent with the new strategy of focusing on the hemisphere.

It is worth noting that the "underway, deployed" number (39) is low by recent standards. The FY 2026 Navy budget documents showed 54 in that category. At that level, the Caribbean mission requires about 28 percent of the available force. Figure 1, below, summarizes the discussion.

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Further, the continued presence of an aircraft carrier in the Caribbean deprives a scarce and powerful asset from other regions. Of the 11 carriers in the fleet, only one other is at sea, the USS Abraham Lincoln, which had been operating in the South China Sea. The USS George Washington is forward-deployed in Yokosuka, Japan, but is currently in port.

As the Trump administration considers using military force against Iran, the opportunity cost of having a carrier in the Caribbean is becoming clearer. Three Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyers are operating in the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf today. While this represents significant firepower-around 70 Tomahawk missiles and hundreds of air-defense and other munitions-it is a diminished force from the two-carrier presence in summer 2025.

The Abraham Lincoln CSG has reportedly been redirected to the Middle East on January 15. Conducting extended offensive operations against Iran or responding to contingencies if a wider Middle East war reignites certainly would require a carrier to be in the theater. The Indo-Pacific, for now, loses a powerful asset to conduct exercises with allies and deterrent missions against China.

This level of deployment does not mean that the United States is naked elsewhere. To meet national security needs, ships already on station can have their deployments extended. In the early 2010s, ships often had their deployments stretched to meet the demand for two carriers to support U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and deter Iranian aggression. Aircraft carrier USS John C. Stennis notably deployed to the Middle East for 15 months in two years.

Additional ships can also be sent to sea. The Navy's goal has been to have a surge force of 75 warships. This surge capacity comes from ships returning from deployment, which remain ready through local operations and training, and deploying ships that achieve full readiness weeks before going underway.

The Trump administration has tapped into this capacity for Operation Southern Spear. Three surface warships currently on station have been surge deployed, rather than deployed as part of their scheduled cycle. Before steaming to the Caribbean in October 2025, USS Gettysburg returned in June from an eight-month deployment to Europe and the Middle East, where it accidentally shot down a Navy F/A-18 plane. The Lake Erie and Stockdale both returned from a seven-month deployment to the Pacific earlier in 2025, before getting underway to the Caribbean, respectively, in August and September.

Extended or surge deployments come at the cost of shorter maintenance and training cycles. This puts the already aging ships through more wear and tear and contributes to the lengthy maintenance backlog. High operational tempo also strains families as it curtails sailors' time at home. Beyond the immediate personal disruptions, this can hurt the Navy's ability to recruit and retain sailors. A CNA study found that shortened time between deployments reduces reenlistment rates.

The Caribbean deployment is a trade-off. There are no zero-cost options in the world of force allocation.

Mark F. Cancian (Colonel, U.S. Marine Corps Reserve, ret.) is a senior adviser with the Defense and Security Department at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. Chris H. Park is a research associate for the Arleigh A. Burke Chair at CSIS.

If you are interested in learning more about this topic, explore CSIS's Executive Education courses Meeting China's Military Challenge and Inside DOD's FY 2027 Budget.

Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

© 2026 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.

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