03/10/2026 | Press release | Distributed by Public on 03/10/2026 16:40
Photo: alones/Adobe Stock
Commentary by Kateryna Bondar
Published March 10, 2026
The first week of Iran's retaliation campaign during Operation Epic Fury demonstrates that drones are no longer auxiliary strike systems but central instruments of modern air campaigns. Their ability to generate sustained pressure at relatively low cost allows actors to impose economic, psychological, and operational strain on adversaries while preserving higher-end missile assets for select targets. The effectiveness of such campaigns lies not only in the drones themselves but in the broader ecosystem that enables their large-scale employment-production capacity, operational doctrine, targeting architecture, and integration with other strike systems.
The Middle East crisis escalated in early March 2026 after coordinated U.S.-Israeli strikes under Operation Epic Fury killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and several senior commanders. Iran responded with a large-scale retaliatory campaign primarily targeting Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. Despite damage to parts of its command and control structure, Tehran has rapidly generated sustained strikes using a layered architecture combining drones, ballistic missiles, and cruise missiles against military installations, energy infrastructure, and economic centers.
Data from the first week of the campaign (March 1-9) reveals several operational trends, particularly in the use of unmanned systems. Drawing on official reporting from regional ministries of defense and open-source intelligence, this analysis assesses the scale and role of drones in Iran's retaliation strategy and identifies capability gaps that militaries, including the U.S. military, may need to address as these operational models evolve.
Drones have constituted the primary tool for sustaining pressure across multiple GCC states in the first week of Iran's retaliation campaign. These drones-primarily Shahed-series one-way attack drones deployed in large saturation waves-have been used less to inflict direct military damage and more to disrupt infrastructure while forcing defenders to expend costly interceptors against low-cost systems.
Geographic Distribution of Drone Strikes Across the Gulf
As shown in Figure 1, Iran's strike campaign has not been evenly distributed across the Gulf. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) absorbed by far the largest volume of attacks in the dataset: 1,440 detected drones and 261 missiles between March 1 and March 9, or 1,701 total recorded strikes. That means the UAE alone accounts for roughly 62 percent of all recorded strikes in the dataset and nearly 80 percent of all detected drones. In operational terms, this suggests that the UAE has functioned as the campaign's principal target set, likely because of its concentration of commercial hubs, logistics infrastructure, and high-value military and economic assets.
Saudi Arabia has faced a similar threat environment, with strikes focusing on energy infrastructure and military facilities supporting U.S. operations. Drone and missile waves have targeted Riyadh, the Al-Kharj region, and the Eastern Province, including repeated attempts to strike Prince Sultan Air Base and the Ras Tanura refinery. This pattern reinforces Iran's longstanding strategy of using attacks on energy assets and coalition operational hubs as leverage within the Gulf security architecture.
Bahrain and Kuwait have experienced some of the highest strike volumes, reflecting both their proximity to Iran and their importance to the U.S. military posture in the region. Bahrain, host of the U.S. Fifth Fleet, intercepted large numbers of drones and missiles during the first week, though parts of the naval headquarters were reportedly hit during the initial barrage. In Kuwait, dense aerial activity has also exposed operational risks: Air defenses mistakenly shot down three U.S. F-15E aircraft after misidentifying them as hostile targets, highlighting the difficulty of maintaining air situational awareness in a saturated drone environment.
Even states attempting diplomatic neutrality have been drawn into the campaign. Qatar, despite mediating between Washington and Tehran, experienced repeated strikes targeting Al Udeid Air Base and nearby civilian aviation infrastructure. At the same time, Iran has extended drone operations into the maritime domain, striking port infrastructure in Oman and targeting commercial shipping near the Strait of Hormuz. These attacks indicate a deliberate effort to pressure global energy and trade flows beyond the immediate battlefield.
Drones as the Primary Strike Asset
Analysis of these strikes shows that the campaign has displayed a clear functional division between drone-heavy and missile-heavy target sets. As shown on Figure 2, drones account for about 66 percent of all recorded strikes in the dataset, confirming that unmanned systems have been the main delivery mechanism of the retaliation campaign.
However, this aggregated data masks significant variation. The UAE and Saudi Arabia have been primarily drone-centric theaters, with drones accounting for about 85 percent of strikes, while Bahrain has also seen heavy use of drones. In contrast, Kuwait and Qatar have been missile-dominated, with missiles making up roughly 93 percent and 68 percent of strikes, respectively. This suggests Iran has tailored strike packages to different targets-using drones for persistent, low-cost pressure and missiles where speed, certainty of effect, or signaling against military facilities is prioritized.
The temporal pattern is also revealing. The campaign opened with a massive wave on March 1-923 strikes (584 drones and 339 missiles)-followed by a sharp drop on March 2 and a steadier rhythm for the rest of the week. From March 2 to March 8, daily strikes stabilized between 190 and 341, suggesting a two-phase campaign: an initial shock wave to saturate defenses and signal escalation, followed by a more sustainable attritional phase designed to maintain pressure over time.
These data illustrate how Iran is using drones not just as strike assets, but as a campaign management tool. The volume and persistence of drone launches suggest a system optimized for repeated employment across multiple days and multiple theaters. The data points to a model of warfare in which drones are not supplementary to missiles. They are the backbone of the pressure architecture, especially against states where economic disruption, air defense exhaustion, and public alarm can produce strategic effects even without catastrophic physical destruction.
Open-source reporting from March 1 to March 9 indicates that Iran's retaliatory air campaign has relied primarily on long-range one-way attack drones, with confirmed employment of multiple Shahed-family variants. The most substantiated evidence comes from a March 3 briefing in which the UAE Ministry of Defense displayed recovered wreckage and explicitly identified Shahed-136, Shahed-107, and Shahed-238 unmanned aircraft systems (UASs).
Reporting also indicates at least one cross-border UAS strike episode outside the Gulf, in Azerbaijan's Nakhchivan exclave on March 5, since confirmed by official Azerbaijani government statements. Though the specific UAS model remains under investigation, some outlets attribute this incident to the Arash-2 loitering munition. While some reports suggest a first-time operational use of the Hadid-110 (Dalahu) jet-powered loitering munition, these lack the same level of corroborated, wreckage-based attribution seen in the UAE briefing.
Overall, the campaign reinforces a "cost-imposition" logic, which includes saturating regional defenses with mass one-way attack salvos while accepting high attrition to force interceptor expenditure and impose episodic disruption.
Beyond the systems already described, one particularly interesting case suggests the possible involvement of Russian-produced loitering munitions in Iran's strike campaign. Open-source analysis of drone debris and video footage from the UAE indicates that a Geran-2 drone, a Russian-produced variant derived from the Iranian Shahed-136, may have been used during the March 2026 retaliation.
Serial markings suggest the system originated from the Kupol plant in Izhevsk, rather than Iran's domestic production lines, and incorporated Russian modifications such as the Kometa-M jam-resistant navigation system. The presence of a Russian-manufactured Geran-2 in Iran's operations would suggest that the previously one-directional drone cooperation, where Iran supplied Shahed systems to Russia after 2022, may be evolving into a more reciprocal exchange of loitering munition technologies between the two countries.
This analysis reinforces that countering mass drone attacks cannot rely primarily on traditional air defense missiles. Ukraine's experience shows why. Interceptor drones have become a core layer of air defense because they are cheap enough to use at scale, preserve high-end interceptors for cruise and ballistic missiles, and can be produced in large numbers. Ukrainian officials state that the country produced over 100,000 in 2025 and that the combat success rates of these platforms exceed 60 percent. The Ukrainian Ministry of Defence also reported deliveries approaching 950 anti-Shahed interceptors per day in December 2025.
For the U.S. military, the lesson is straightforward-drone defense must begin with a cheap, numerous, drone-against-drone layer rather than with a force structure built around million-dollar missiles.
However, hardware alone does not constitute a real advantage. The decisive factor lies in the broader operational infrastructure that integrates drones into a coherent defensive ecosystem. This ecosystem consists of the following components:
The first week of Iran's retaliation campaign during Operation Epic Fury shows that drones are no longer auxiliary systems but central instruments of modern air campaigns. Their ability to sustain pressure at relatively low cost allows actors to impose economic, psychological, and operational strain while preserving higher-end missiles for select targets. The effectiveness of such campaigns depends not only on the drones themselves but on the broader ecosystem that enables their use at scale, including production capacity, doctrine, and integration with other strike systems.
For the United States, adapting to this environment requires more than acquiring new hardware. It demands integrating drones and counter-UAS capabilities into doctrine, training, procurement, and operational planning. Building an effective defense against mass drone warfare will require coordinated development of interceptor drones, sensor networks, battle management software, resilient communications, and trained operators capable of operating in increasingly AI-enabled battlespaces.
Kateryna Bondar is a fellow with the Wadhwani AI Center at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.
Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).
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