Who's Moving In? The Changing Age Composition of Migration to the Carolinas

Regional Matters

November 5, 2026

The Carolinas are attracting movers at various life stages, from students and professionals building careers in major metros like Charlotte and Raleigh, North Carolina, and Greenville, South Carolina, to retirees seeking coastal and mountain living. But over the last decade, the age profile of these movers has changed: Adults ages 55 and older now make up a noticeably larger share of migrants. This shift in age composition is not uniform, however. Counties differ widely in the direction and magnitude of these shifts.

The scale of migration to the Carolinas makes these shifts consequential. Since 2021, the Carolinas have ranked in the top 5 states for net domestic migration. North Carolina has brought in over 80,000 domestic migrants, and South Carolina has brought in over 60,000 domestic migrants. With migration at this scale, even modest changes in age composition can have an outsized impact on communities. This analysis examines how the age composition of migrants has changed across counties, where those changes coincide with fast migration growth, and what that might mean for local communities.

Older Migrants Are Gaining Ground

In North and South Carolina, the share of migrants ages 55 and older has increased over the last decade. We define a migrant as an individual who moves from a different county, state or country. Between the 2010-2014 and 2020-2024 American Community Survey (ACS) 5-year estimates, the share of migrants ages 55 and older rose by 3.4 percentage points in North Carolina and 4.9 percentage points in South Carolina, compared with 3.2 percentage points nationally.

Older adults have played an outsized role in migration growth over the last decade relative to their migration share. Individuals ages 55 and older comprised just 18.5 percent of all migrants to South Carolina in 2024, but they contributed to 48.2 percent of total migration growth between 2014-2024. In North Carolina, they made up 15.6 percent of migrants but 36 percent of growth.

Prime working-age adults (25-54), by contrast, contributed roughly in proportion to their share. In South Carolina, they made up 41.1 percent of migrants and 39.8 percent of growth. In North Carolina, they made up 43.6 percent of migrants and 43.3 percent of growth. Meanwhile, the share of migrants ages 25 and under declined by 3.3 percentage points in North Carolina and declined by 4.7 percentage points in South Carolina over the period, compared to a decline of 3.6 percentage points nationally.

Similar patterns appear in many other states, which may reflect an aging population or greater mobility among older adults. But the differences in magnitude across states suggest regional factors also shape where people at different life stages choose to move. That raises a further question: How do changing age profiles differ across counties?

Changes in the Age Composition of Migration Differ Widely Across Counties

Migration is not uniformly shifting toward older adults across counties in North and South Carolina. While most counties (80.1 percent) are drawing a growing share of older movers, a smaller share of counties (43.2 percent) are also increasing their share of working-age adults.

Older share up, working-age share down (lower right). This is the most common pattern, appearing in over half of the counties in the Carolinas. Migration in these counties tilted toward older adults relative to working-age individuals (e.g., Calhoun County, S.C.; Horry County, S.C.; Franklin County, N.C.; Pamlico County, N.C).

Both shares up (upper right). The second most common pattern is an increase in share for both groups. This suggests a declining contribution from younger migrants (e.g., Brunswick County, N.C.; Graham County, N.C.; Spartanburg County, S.C.; Jasper County, S.C.).

Working-age share up, older share down (upper left). In these counties, growth in the working-age share comes alongside a shrinking share of older migrants, so migration is tilted toward working-age adults relative to older migrants. Fewer counties fall into this group (e.g., Cabarrus County, N.C.; Chatham County, N.C.; Chesterfield County, S.C.; Darlington County, S.C.).

Both shares down (lower left). This was the least common pattern, appearing in just 6.2 percent of all counties in the Carolinas. Because the ages 55 and older and working-age shares both fell, the mix of migrants shifted toward younger people (ages 25 and under) (e.g., Scotland County, N.C.; Cherokee County, N.C.; Lancaster County, S.C.).

Differences in the changing profile of newcomers can point to characteristics of a place that may appeal to different age groups. In counties where older adults make up a growing share of newcomers, a place may be increasing its appeal as a retirement destination. In counties where working-age adults are a growing share, the pull may be more job opportunities, more housing options, or greater access to amenities. Over time, these shifts can shape the infrastructure a county needs, from health care and senior services to schools, child care, and housing for working families. However, it is important to note that shares are relative: an increase in one group's share may not reflect an increase in its number of migrants, but a decline from another group.

The Scale of Growth Matters

A change in age composition does not, by itself, show how the scale of migration for different groups changed over the last decade. A county's age mix can shift even as total migration declines. Pairing the two measures shows where large demographic shifts from migration might be happening: counties with both high migration growth and large shifts in age composition. In counties where migration accelerated significantly, changing age composition matters more for local demographic changes and their economic implications.

Several counties stand out for a rising share of older migrants alongside high migration growth (upper right quadrant). These include coastal Carolina counties such as Pender County, N.C., and Horry County, S.C. (Myrtle Beach), as well as Lowcountry counties such as Jasper and Colleton in South Carolina. Many of these counties, located near natural amenities, may be increasing their appeal as retirement destinations.

Counties with both a sizable increase in the share of working-age migrants and strong migration growth include Greenville, Spartanburg, Berkeley, and Jasper counties in South Carolina. In North Carolina, counties adjacent to major employment centers also saw significant growth in working-age migrants. Examples include Gaston and Cabarrus, just outside Mecklenburg County (Charlotte), and Chatham and Randolph, which border Raleigh and Greensboro, respectively. This pattern is consistent with employment centers expanding beyond the urban core and working-age residents increasingly moving to adjacent counties, possibly in search of more affordable housing.

Counties that experience faster demographic shifts due to rapid migration and may face more pressure to adjust to the unique infrastructure needs of different age groups.

Conclusion

The draw of the Carolinas is varied - whether it be the growing manufacturing base in South Carolina's upstate, the scenic views of the Blue Ridge Mountains, or the innovation economy of Research Triangle Park - newcomers with different motivations are drawn to different regions. Statewide, the share of older migrants has risen over the past decade, but that trend masks notable differences across counties. In most counties, older adults make up a growing share of newcomers relative to working-age adults, while others saw the opposite.

Because shares are relative, these shifts matter most when paired with growth: A county that is gaining many new residents while its age mix changes might experience more pronounced change than one with little migration. These differences can carry varied economic implications. Regions that draw a growing share of older migrants may see rising demand for health care, a shifting tax base, and a tighter labor supply. Regions that attract a growing share of prime working-age migrants may improve their dependency ratios and economic capacity, but they face pressures of their own, including greater competition for jobs and rising demand for housing, child care and schools. Geographies with a growing share of younger migrants may see faster future labor force growth and more demand for education infrastructure.

Views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond or the Federal Reserve System.