Keynote speech by H.E. Mr. Sihasak Phuangketkeow, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand at the Asia Society Policy Institute, New York

Keynote speech by H.E. Mr. Sihasak Phuangketkeow, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand at the Asia Society Policy Institute, New York

Keynote speech by H.E. Mr. Sihasak Phuangketkeow
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Thailand
At the Asia Society Policy Institute, New York
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Theme: ASEAN - Shaping the Course of an Asian Century

Excellencies,

Distinguished guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a pleasure to join you at the Asia Society. These events have become something of a tradition during UNGA High-level Week, as you so aptly put it, "The UNGA Comes to Asia Society". I am delighted to be part of that tradition and to join the leaders and fellow foreign ministers speaking here this week.

As we gather in New York to discuss the world's challenges, the Asia Society gives us an opportunity to look more closely at Asia's role within the wider global context. I appreciate the opportunity to bring Thailand's perspective to this conversation.

Many speakers here have reflected on the Asian Century and where Asia is heading. But today, I would like to begin with how we got here.

When we talk about Asia's rise, we often focus on China's transformation, India's growing influence or Japan's economic achievements. The rise of ASEAN and its contribution, however, receives less attention. But it is an essential part of that story.

ASEAN helped make Asia's rise possible by building peace and connecting economies. Its experience reminds us that prosperity depends on our ability to manage differences and work together.

That lesson matters even more in today's fragmented world. If ASEAN is to help shape Asia's future, it must become more united, more resilient and more effective in leading cooperation.

For Thailand, ASEAN remains the foundation of our foreign policy. And I believe it must remain a pillar of the Asian Century going forward.

My forty years in diplomacy have reinforced that conviction. In the world of diplomacy, institutional memory matters. If we do not understand the past, we cannot make sense of the present, much less chart a course for the future.

Consider how different Southeast Asia looked during the Cold War. Our region was divided by ideology and conflict. Thailand was a frontline state during the Viet Nam War, among the countries expected to fall under the domino theory.

ASEAN's establishment in Bangkok in 1967 offered a path for peace. It helped neighbours who had reasons to distrust one another learn to cooperate. As confidence grew and relations enhanced the prospect of peace, we gained room to focus on development and economic integration.

ASEAN later extended that spirit of cooperation beyond Southeast Asia. The ASEAN Regional Forum and the East Asia Summit brought major powers into regular dialogue and helped build confidence across the wider region.

Of course, the conditions were more favourable then. Relations among the major powers were more benign than they are today. Economic cooperation gave them a greater stake in stability and helped moderate strategic competition.

This allowed our economies to become more closely connected. China, Japan, ASEAN and other partners drew on one another's markets, investment and production networks. Their growth reinforced one another.

Asia's rise was therefore also a story of peace and integration. ASEAN helped create the peace that made this possible, while our growing economies helped sustain it.

That is the contribution we must build on as we look ahead.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Today, the conditions that supported that success are changing. Strategic competition increasingly shapes economic decisions. For ASEAN, this puts both our economic ties and our ability to act together under pressure.

How, then, can ASEAN preserve the constructive role that has served us so well, while adapting to a more multipolar world?

I would frame our response around three priorities - regionalism, resilience and relevance.

(Regionalism)

Regionalism begins with recognising that national and regional interests are connected. ASEAN cannot be strong if its members are weak. Equally, no member can secure its future in an unstable neighbourhood. We must remember that, together, we are greater than the sum of our parts

This means giving greater weight to the regional interest. We must consider what our decisions mean for our neighbours, and what inaction costs us all.

Peace within our neighbourhood is the first test. The dispute between Thailand and Cambodia reminds us that peace requires continuing effort. Thailand remains committed to dialogue and to rebuilding trust and confidence. We seek peace and cooperation with all our neighbours, and hope Cambodia will join us in taking practical steps forward.

Myanmar is another serious test. Its instability affects its neighbours and ASEAN's standing. Thailand supports calibrated re-engagement to reduce violence, deliver humanitarian assistance and enable inclusive dialogue, in support of ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus.

We must pursue achievable progress while recognising that a lasting solution must be Myanmar-led and Myanmar-owned.

(Resilience)

Our response to these challenges also depends on resilience, which is to do with how well we absorb shocks and act together in a crisis.

Whether we face energy disruptions from conflicts in the Middle East or the impacts of climate change, timely action matters. We must therefore examine whether ASEAN's ways of working allow us to respond quickly enough.

The principle of consensus, for instance, must be examined. Consensus has long been the foundation of ASEAN decision-making. But requiring complete unanimity on every step can delay critical actions when time matters most.

We should consider more flexible ways to implement common decisions. A troika arrangement, for instance, could sustain diplomatic efforts across chairmanships. A stronger ASEAN Secretariat could improve coordination and follow-through. These approaches could help ASEAN respond more promptly to emergencies.

Another important principle to be examined is non-interference. This must be applied in the context of today's interdependence as internal problems can affect neighbouring countries through displacement, cross-border crime and economic disruption.

Respect for sovereignty therefore must go together with responsibility to address these regional consequences.

(Relevance)

Greater unity and resilience must also translate into greater influence. For ASEAN to remain relevant, we must be able to set the regional agenda and adapt our mechanisms to a more multipolar world. This is how we can help shape Asia's future.

The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific provides a framework for this effort. Its vision of free, open and inclusive Info-Pacific requires both a stronger ASEAN and more stable relations among the major powers.

ASEAN centrality has been one of our core strengths. Through the ASEAN Regional Forum and the East Asia Summit, we have brought major powers together, built bridges and helped maintain regional stability.

But sustaining that influence has become harder as strategic competition intensifies. This extends beyond US-China relations. Relations between China and Japan, among China, Japan and the Republic of Korea, and between India and China all shape regional stability.

How, then, can ASEAN preserve its influence and make its mechanisms more effective in this changing environment?

One way to do this is for ASEAN to be more assertive in setting the agenda. Our forums must address the strategic issues that matter most to the region.

We must also find common issues that can rally everyone together and turn shared interests into joint action. Tackling online scams and advancing the energy transition offer practical opportunities. Clear goals and sustained follow-through can deliver mutual benefits and keep cooperation moving.

And we must engage more actively on middle powers and like-minded partners, including Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United Kingdom and the European Union, as well as emerging powers such as Brazil and Türkiye.

Working with a wider range of partners can bring fresh ideas and support for solutions. It also widens our options and gives more countries a stake in an open regional order.

Together, these efforts can help ASEAN maintain strategic equilibrium and strengthen our strategic autonomy, ensuring that ASEAN can shape our own agenda while standing by our principles.

In my view, this is the test of ASEAN's relevance in this more fragmented and uncertain world.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

ASEAN was born when Southeast Asia's future risked being decided by outside powers. Its founders chose to pull our strength together so that we could shape our own future.

We need the same determination today. Regionalism gives us common purpose. Resilience helps us withstand disruption. Relevance ensures that we can help shape what comes next.

ASEAN helped create the conditions for Asia's rise. It must now adapt to sustain them. And Thailand will remain steadfast in contributing to that effort.

Thank you.

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